Youth Outdoor Adventures Bus. Plan Essays - Experiential Learning

Youth Outdoor Adventures Bus. Plan MARKETING PLAN OUTLINE Company: ?Youth Outdoor Adventures?: Our mission is to provide educational outdoor experiences for underprivileged youth. Strengths: Unique opportunity Not a lot of competition Free to kids School support Weaknesses: Cliental is not traditionally familiar with product We currently cannot accommodate all who apply Starts up costs are high Large staffing needs Opportunities and Threats: The average child who grows up in a large urban area stays there for most of their life. We feel that this program will be successful because it opens up a city child to a whole new world. This program will start in NYC. We would eventually like for it to spread to all the major urban areas of the United States. We will get funding for this program by soliciting major corporations and foundations. One of the major threats that we perceive is that we cannot raise enough money trough these sponsors. History: Youth Outdoor Adventures is a new, not for profit company. Consumer Analysis: Geographic United States, Urban area, NYC Demographic 5th graders, no regard to gender, race, religion or nationality Psychographics Underprivileged youth, no regard to lifestyle or personality Behavioral Children, or participants would be allowed to go on one trip. Trips will be run weekly. All equipment and other necessities other then clothing will be provide. The participants need only to sign up. Competitive Analysis: There are no other firms that are providing services like ours for free to the participants. We anticipate little competition as far as similar services are concerned. We will be competing for the participants' time, the average youth has many interests, and we want him or her to come with us. We would like to establish relationships with schools and other social services that work with children. Together we can promote each other's services. Environmental challenges: The environment that affects us most is the social cultural environment. Many inner city children not have a high comfort level in outdoor adventure situations. To ease this cultural difference we would recruit and train employees from the same urban background. The economic environment may also have an effect. If there is a recession we can expect less donations from sponsors, even though the same needs will exist. Marketing Objectives: As a non-profit, are main goal is to serve the children. We hope that after the start up of the company we can steadily increase the number of children served each year. We hope to establish ourselves as the leader in outdoor education to the underprivileged. By becoming a well-respected name we will ensure sponsorships. Strategy: Product: Youth Outdoor Adventures will provide outdoor trips such as skiing, kayaking, rock climbing, and backpacking. The trips will be offered to 5th graders in the NYC area. All equipment except for personnel clothing will be provided. Food is also included. The children will be picked up from a central location. The company provides all transportation from there. The children will have to apply for the program. Pricing: The service is free to the children. None monetary prices include giving up one weekend that could be used for studying or other activities. Distribution/Place: The children can sigh up for the service through our web site and promotional materials. Once the children sign up for the service we will mail them all the information they need. As stated above, all the participants will meet at a central location and our staff will bring them to the activity. Because our business is a service we do not need a distribution center. Promotional strategy: We intended to form partnerships with the NYC school district. Through this partnership we will distribute materials to principals and teachers. Staff members will be available to speak to PTA groups, principles, students and other stakeholders. We will also establish a reputation by linking ourselves with our sponsors.

Tituba and The Salem Witch Trials of 1692

Tituba and The Salem Witch Trials of 1692 Tituba was among the first three people accused of being a witch during the Salem witch trials of 1692. She confessed to witchcraft and accused others. Tituba, also known as Tituba Indian, was a  household slave and servant whose birth and death dates are unknown. Tituba Biography Little is known of Titubas background or even origin. Samuel Parris, later to play a central role in the Salem witch trials of 1692 as the village minister, brought three enslaved persons with him when he came to Massachusetts from New Spain Barbados in the Caribbean. We can guess from the circumstances that Parris obtained ownership of Tituba in Barbados, probably when she was twelve or a few years older. We do not know if he obtained such ownership in settlement of a debt, though that story has been accepted by some. Parris was, at the time he was in New Spain, not yet married and not yet a minister. When Samuel Parris moved to Boston from New Spain, he brought Tituba,  John Indian and a young boy with him as household slaves. In Boston, he married and later became a minister. Tituba served as a housekeeper. In Salem Village Rev. Samuel Parris moved to Salem Village in 1688, a candidate for the position of Salem Village minister. In about 1689, Tituba and John Indian seem to have married. In 1689 Parris was formally called as the minister, given a full deed to the parsonage, and the Salem Village church charter was signed. Tituba would not likely have been directly involved in the growing church conflict involving Rev. Parris. But since the controversy included withholding salary and payment in firewood, and Parris complained about the effect on his family, Tituba probably would also have felt the shortage of firewood and food in the house. She would also have likely been aware of the unrest in the community when raids were launched in New England, starting up again in 1689 (and called King Williams War), with New France using both French soldiers and local Indians to fight against the English colonists. Whether she was aware of the political conflicts around Massachusetts status as a colony is not known. Whether she was aware of Rev. Parris sermons in late 1691 warning of Satans influence in town is also not known, but it seems likely that his fears were known in his household. Afflictions and Accusations Begin In early 1692, three girls with connections to the Parris household began to exhibit strange behavior. One was Elizabeth (Betty) Parris, the nine-year-old daughter of Rev. Parris and his wife. Another was Abigail Williams, age 12, called kinfolk or a niece of Rev. Parris. She may have served as a household servant and a companion to Betty. The third girl was Ann Putnam Jr., who was the daughter of a key supporter of Rev. Parris in the Salem Village church conflict. There is no source before the latter half of the 19th century, including transcripts of testimony in the examinations and trials, that supports the idea that Tituba and the girls who were accusers practiced any magic together. To find out what was causing the afflictions, a local doctor (presumably William Griggs) and a neighboring minister, Rev. John Hale, were called in by Parris. Tituba later testified that she saw visions of the devil and witches swarming. The doctor diagnosed the cause of the afflictions as Evil Hand. A neighbor of the Parris family, Mary Sibley, advised John Indian and possibly Tituba to make a witchs cake to identify the cause of the initial afflictions of Betty Parris and Abigail Williams. The next day, Betty and Abigail named Tituba as a cause of their behavior. Tituba was accused by the young girls of appearing to them (as a spirit), which amounted to an accusation of witchcraft. Tituba was questioned about her role. Rev. Parris beat Tituba to try to get a confession from her. Tituba Arrested and Examined On February 29, 1692, an arrest warrant was issued for Tituba in Salem Town. Arrest warrants were also issued for Sarah Good and Sarah Osborne. All three of the accused were examined the next day at Nathaniel Ingersolls tavern in Salem Village by local magistrates Jonathan Corwin and John Hathorne. In that examination, Tituba confessed, naming both Sarah Osborne and Sarah Good as witches and describing their spectral movements, including meeting with the devil. Sarah Good claimed her innocence but implicated Tituba and Osborne. Tituba was questioned for two more days. Titubas confession, by the rules of the court, kept her from being tried later with others, including those who were eventually found guilty and executed. Tituba apologized for her part, saying she loved Betty and meant her no harm. She included in her confession complicated tales of witchcraft all compatible with English folk beliefs, not voodoo as some have alleged. Tituba herself went into a fit, claiming to be afflicted. After the magistrates finished their examination of Tituba, she was sent to jail. While she was imprisoned, two others accused her of being one of two or three women whose specters theyd seen flying. John Indian, through the trials, also had a number of fits when present for the examination of accused witches. Some have speculated that this was a way of deflecting further suspicion of himself or his wife. Tituba herself is hardly mentioned in the records after her initial arrest, examination, and confession. The Rev. Parris promised to pay the fee to allow Tituba to be released from prison. Under the rules of the colony, similar to rules in England, even someone found innocent had to pay for expenses incurred to imprison and feed them before they could be released. But Tituba recanted her confession, and Parris never paid the fine, presumably in retaliation for her recantation. After the Trials The next spring, the trials ended and various imprisoned individuals were released once their fines were paid. Someone paid seven pounds for Titubas release. Presumably, whoever paid the fine had purchased Tituba from Parris. The same person may have purchased John Indian; they both disappear from all known records after Titubas release. A few histories mention a daughter, Violet, who remained with the Parris family. Tituba in Fiction Arthur Miller includes Tituba in his 1952 play, The Crucible, which uses the Salem witch trials as a metaphor or analogy to 20th century McCarthyism, the pursuit, and blacklisting of accused Communists. Tituba is depicted in Millers drama as initiating witchcraft as play among the girls of Salem Village.In 1964, Ann Petry published Tituba of Salem Village, written for children ten and older.Maryse Condà ©, a French Caribbean writer, published I, Tituba: Black Witch of Salem which argues that Tituba was of black African heritage.   Tituba Bibliography In addition to mentions in the other resources in the general Salem Witch trials bibliography, these references may be especially helpful in learning about Tituba: Elaine Breslaw. Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies. 1996.Chadwick Hansen. The Metamorphosis of Tituba, or Why American Intellectuals Cant Tell an Indian Witch from a Negro. The New England Quarterly, March 1974.Bernard Rosenthal. Titubas Story. The New England Quarterly, June 1998.Bernard Rosenthal. Dark Eve. Spellbound: Women and Witchcraft in America. Edited by Elizabeth Ries. 1998.

Families in society Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Families in society - Essay Example In today’s generation, the ideal family structure of two parents, father solely being the breadwinner and two to three children has drastically changed. Nowadays, especially in the United States, we come across all types of families; single parent; both working parents, no children by choice, multiple parents etc (Kesner & McKenry, 2001). The fact that both parents have started to work, children are neglected in comparison to the attention they received in previous times. Since a mother is putting the same amount of time at the workplace as the father, she thinks her additional responsibility at home should also be shared. But fathers usually do not like the idea of getting involved in domestic housing issues. Another problem suffered is the amount of stress which an individual goes through besides his normal hectic work routine. This fatigue is somewhat passed on, in some way or the other, to the entire family. Besides structural composition, the basic diversity of US based f amilies has also changed. For instance, more of gay and lesbian families have come into existence since late. But such family dynamics are strictly opposed by traditional religious groups. Some of the most common family problems are discussed in this section. For instance, US is a country which has the most number of people behind bars. Therefore, families of such prisoners suffer badly as kids are deprived of their fathers’ support, while wives also dearly miss their respective partners. Another common issue is the negative impact on kids due to constant rifts between married partners. Frustration gathered from the workplace also has a role to play in such activities. Due to such parental fights, kids start to lose confidence and trust in both parents (Leroy & Symes, 2001). After reading the whole article I concur with most of the facts mentioned about family life, with some

System of Inquiry Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words - 1

System of Inquiry Paper - Essay Example The basic purpose of a compliance program for following the code of ethics is to help the employees at all levels and functions within the organization to work together and achieve the broader and narrower goals and objectives in such a way as to be consistent with standards of ethical behavior. The ethics compliance program and the system of inquiry is an essential part of the learning process for the organization. It is recognized as a good practice to always evaluate the ethics program, although as a matter of fact, few organizations actually do so. On top of that, such programs normally have not demonstrated that the expected program outcomes were achieved. Still, the program could be deemed a success, if it at least met the minimum requirements. In this context, it is no longer a question of whether to inquire into one’s ethics compliance program, but rather to design a system of inquisition that goes about implementing it across a span of time. The following pages will delve into the framework for the system of inquiry and the related issues during its design and implementation. The Code of Ethics Process Evaluation is designed to analyze how successful program implementation was. It is also designed to monitor which of the activities within the program were performed and to what extent. An instance of process activities and their corresponding output measure is the standards and procedures written and published through annual training courses in ethics. Regarding the participants of such courses, the extent that specific skills and knowledge were recollected at various periods of time after the training is an important indicator. And finally, the measure of participants’ satisfaction during the training is another valuable piece of data. From the point of view of the inquirer, these program activities and their outputs have negligible value in and of themselves, especially when it comes to forming remedial actions. Their value is

ECON WEEK 7 Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

ECON WEEK 7 - Assignment Example The economy was still in the phase of recovery, when the recent forecast by the International Monetary Fund shattered all hopes of US regaining its status as the world’s largest economy. The IMF forecasted that China will surpass US by 2016 while US will experience â€Å"slow and modest economic growth†. (US Economic Forecast, 2013) The factors that have impeded US economic growth include low GDP growth rate, low employment rate, dip in inflation rates, low interest rates and, most significantly, a major current account balance deficit and a higher debt risk. In such a scenario, the government should focus on productivity gain as a source of economic growth through â€Å"improvement in skills, economies of scale and improved technology†. (Petroff, 1986, 1990 & 2002) This would help in offsetting the effect of the law of diminishing returns, by raising productivity growth in the face of an uncontrollable population

Effects of Magnetic Fields Produced from Long Wires

Effects of Magnetic Fields Produced from Long Wires Faradays Law Laboratory Exercise An investigation into the effects of magnetic fields produced from long wires and comparison of theoretical and experimental results through the use of Amperes Law and Faradays Law Contents 1. Summary 2. Introduction 2.1 Introduction to Method 2.1.1 Apparatus 2.1.2 Procedure 3. Results 3.1 Single Wire Experiment 3.2 Single wire experiment with Ferrite Core 3.3 Double Wire Experiment 4. Discussion 5. Conclusion 6. References Appendix A Raw Data Electromagnets and the magnetic fields that they produce provide the foundations for the development of various major industries in modern society, including medicine, transport and robotics. However, there can be inaccuracies with their use caused by a phenomenon known as Electromagnetic Interference (EMI). In this experiment, a search coil was placed near a fixed wire with a current flowing through it, and the induced voltage across the coil was measured and recorded as the coil was moved away from the wire to investigate the effect of distance on the magnitude of the magnetic flux while the effects of a ferrite core on the magnetic field produced were also explored. The experimental and theoretical results highlighted the same trends, confirming the expectation that an increase in distance would cause a decrease in the magnitude of magnetic flux. The differences in results can be considered due to EMI from the return connection, which can induce unwanted voltages in the circuit. A magnetic field is the region in the neighbourhood of a magnet, electric current or changing electric field in which magnetic forces are observable. (1) An electromagnetic field is the form of magnetic field generated by the flow of electric current; it is caused by the movement and acceleration of the electrons. (2) Electromagnets play an important role in the continued development of many major industries, while there are already numerous useful applications of them in modern society. The electromagnetic fields they produce are vital in: medical practises such as MRI scans where they are used to alter the alignment of hydrogen atoms in the body (3); the production of high-speed Maglev trains which eliminates friction by allowing the train to levitate (4) and the continued scientific research into superconductors and rapid acceleration which provides the basis for particle accelerators. (5) However, constantly changing electromagnetic fields, especially in electric circuits, can cause a phenomenon known as Electromagnetic Interference (EMI) which can induce unwanted voltages and affect the performance of electronic devices. The area of engineering which aims to eradicate the problems caused by these disturbances is known as Electromagnetic Compatibility (EMC). (6)(7) Two equations which form the fundamental basis for electromagnetism and its understanding are Amperes Circuital Law and Faradays Law. Amperes Law states that the magnetic field, B, caused by an electric current is proportional to the size of the electric current. (8) (equation 1) However, in this experiment, the current, I, flowing through the circuit remains constant, as does the permeability of free space, , and 2à Ã¢â€š ¬, and therefore the magnetic field, B, is expected to be inversely proportional to the distance from the wire. Faradays Law states that any change in the magnetic environment of a wire will cause a voltage to be induced in the wire. (9) (equation 2) If = BA and a sinusoidal variation of the magnetic field is assumed: (equation 3) where is the induced voltage, N is the turns on the coil, A is the area of the coil and is the angular frequency. As N, A and are constant, the magnetic field, B, should be directly proportional to the induced voltage, E, in this investigation. 2.1 Introduction to Method 2.1.1 Apparatus Agilent signal generator to vary the frequency of the signal provided to the circuit. Twin wire board as shown in figures 1 and 2, containing a fixed wire, an adjustable return connection wire and a 50ÃŽÂ © resistor in series with the circuit. Rectangular air cored coil of dimensions 30mm x 30mm and containing 50 turns, used to measure the changing B field from the wire. Ferrite core to alter the effects of the B field on the coil. Digital Multimeter to record the voltages across the resistor and the search coil, measuring with an uncertainty of +0.0005mV. 2.1.2 Procedure The long wire board was connected to the Agilent signal generator, ensuring that the 50ÃŽÂ © resistor was in series with the circuit. One connection was made using the fixed wire on the board; the other was made using a long connection lead kept the farthest distance away from the experiment as possible, as demonstrated in figure 1. A sign wave signal of frequency 60kHz was selected and the voltage across the resistor recorded, allowing a current to be calculated. The rectangular search coil was then placed against the fixed wire 2cm away from the centre line and the voltage across the coil measured. The coil was then moved at a right angle away from the fixed wire in increments of 1cm and the voltage across the coil measured at each of these points. The input sign wave frequency was then altered to 30kHz and the experimental procedure was repeated. The input sign wave frequency was then returned to 60Hz and a round ferrite core inserted into the search coil; the experiment was th en repeated again. The long connection lead was then changed to provide a short connection as shown in figure 2. A sign wave signal of frequency 60kHz was again selected and the current calculated. The rectangular search coil was then placed against the short connection wire 2cm away from the centre line and the voltage across the coil measured. The coil was then moved in the same manner as above and the voltages recorded. The input sign wave frequency was again altered to 30kHz and the experiment was repeated. The current through the circuit was calculated using Ohms law: where V is the measured voltage across the resistor (3.385 V) and R is the known resistor value 50ÃŽÂ ©, giving = 191mA. For the single wire and double wire at both frequencies, and the single wire at 60kHz with the ferrite core, the distance of the search coil away from the wire, d, and the RMS voltage across the search coil, E, were recorded and collected in three tables which can be found in Appendix A. The RMS voltages measured were then converted into peak-to-peak voltage values for use in equation 3. The resultant experimental B fields for the respective frequencies were then calculated using equation 3, using N = 50 and A = 9x and included in the tables. 3.1 Single Wire Experiment For the single wire experiment, theoretical values for the magnetic flux density at each distance were then calculated using equation 1. A graph of B against the distance from the wire was then plotted for both frequencies and a comparison between experimental and theoretical values made on both graphs. 3.2 Single wire experiment with Ferrite Core With the ferrite core introduced into the search coil, at a frequency of 60kHz, the voltage across the search coil was measured and a graph of the induced EMF, V, against distance plotted. The induced EMF without the ferrite core is also plotted for reference. 3.3 Double Wire Experiment For the double wire experiment, two theoretical values for the magnetic flux density were calculated; one for the magnetic flux induced by the fixed wire and one for the magnetic flux induced by the short connection wire. These were both calculated using equation 1, using a reference of +0cm for the short connection and +15cm for the fixed wire. These values were then combined using the principle of superposition and an overall theoretical value for magnetic flux density at each distance calculated. Again, a graph of B against the distance from the wire was plotted for both frequencies and a comparison between experimental and theoretical values made on both graphs. It was expected that as the distance of the search coil away from the fixed wire increased, the voltage induced across the coil would decrease and therefore the magnetic flux density, B, would also decrease. A comparison of the experimental and theoretical data points from figures 3 and 4 shows a clear correlation between the two calculations, confirming the theory discussed in section 2 of the report. The slight discrepancies between the experimental and theoretical values can be accredited to possible electromagnetic interference (EMI) from the long connection lead, inducing unwanted voltages across the coil and affecting the accuracy of the results. The scale of magnetic flux is affected by the angle at which the flux density and the surface interact such that , where ÃŽÂ ¸ is angle between the magnetic flux, B, and the normal to the surface. When the normal to the coil is parallel to the wire, ÃŽÂ ¸ = 90 ° and therefore cos(ÃŽÂ ¸) = 0, proposing that the theoretical value of magnetic flux is 0. When the coil was placed perpendicular to the fixed wire, a voltage of 0.541mV was measured, which can be approximated to 0V. The small induced voltage can be considered due to the presence of a background magnetic field. With the ferrite introduced into the search coil, the emf induced in the coil is measured to be significantly larger than with no ferrite present, as can be seen from figure 5. Due to the high magnetic permeability of a compound such as a ferrite, the magnetic field produced by the coil is concentrated in the core material, reducing the effects of EMI and increasing the induced emf in the coil. (10) In the double wire experiment, the voltage induced in the search coil is created through a combination of the magnetic fields produced from both the fixed wire and the short wire. Because it is a series circuit, the current is flowing in opposite directions in each of the wires and consequently, from the right-hand rule, the magnetic fields from each wire are also acting in opposite directions, demonstrated in figure 8. Therefore, it would be expected that the induced voltage across the coil, and subsequently the magnetic flux, B, would be smaller than those measured in the single wire experiment and this is confirmed through the values shown in Appendix A. As the coil is moved away from the wires, the magnetic field weakens but at a decreased rate as the distance increases; therefore, we would expect a graph displaying a reciprocal nature, achieved in figures 3 and 4. To conclude, the experiment outlined in this report was successful in demonstrating the effects of magnetic fields produced by long wires and the effects of ferrite on the emf induced in a coil, successfully validating the theory from section 2 that the magnitude of the magnetic flux field, B, is proportional to the reciprocal of the distance of the coil from the wire. However, the consistently higher experimental values compared to the theoretical values clearly demonstrates the possible disturbances arising from the interaction between two different magnetic fields and highlights the need to minimise these to achieve accurate results. Through the introduction of a ferrite core, this experiment was successful in demonstrating a simple method for this. The findings from this experiment are statistically insignificant due to the nature of the apparatus used and the various possible sources of error, both systematic, because of EMI, and human, arising from the low level of accuracy when measuring distances and ensuring the coil remains parallel to the wire. However, the experiment was useful in showing the basic relationship between distance and the strength of magnetic flux, as well as highlighting the importance of finding solutions to reduce the effects of EMI on induced voltages and introducing a simple method for realizing this. [1] Encyclopaedia Britannica, Magnetic Field, Encyclopaedia Brittanica, [Online]. Available: https://www.britannica.com/science/magnetic-field. [Accessed 19 October 2016]. [2] M. Rouse, Electromagnetic Field, March 2010. [Online]. Available: http://whatis.techtarget.com/definition/electromagnetic-field. [Accessed 20 October 2016]. [3] Institute of Physics, Magnetic Resonance Imaging, 2012. [Online]. Available: www.iop.org/education/teacher/resources/teaching-medical-physics/magnetic/file_56290.pdf. [Accessed 20 October 2016]. [4] K. Bonsor, Maglev Train, 13 October 2000. [Online]. Available: http://science.howstuffworks.com/transport/engines-equipment/maglev-train.htm. [Accessed 19 October 2016]. [5] M. Williams, Use of Electromagnets, 13 January 2016. [Online]. Available: http://www.universetoday.com/39295/uses-of-electromagnets/. [Accessed 21 October 2016]. [6] Andi, What is electromagnetic interference and how does it affect us?, [Online]. Available: https://www.westfloridacomponents.com/blog/what-is-electromagnetic-interference-emi-and-how-does-it-affect-us/. [Accessed 21 October 2016]. [7] M. Soleimani, Faradays Law, University of Bath, 2016. [8] D. Wood, Amperes Law: Definiton Examples, [Online]. Available: http://study.com/academy/lesson/amperes-law-definition-examples.html. [Accessed 22 October 2016]. [9] Hyper Physics, Faradays Law, [Online]. Available: http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:85jQ17DaK1wJ:hyperphysics.phy-astr.gsu.edu/hbase/electric/farlaw.html+cd=2hl=enct=clnkgl=uk. [Accessed 21 October 2016]. [10] Wikipedia, Magnetic Core, [Online]. Available: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magnetic_core. [Accessed 23 October 2016]. Single Wire Single Wire with Ferrite Core Double Wire

Performance Support Systems Essay -- Technology Support System Essays

Performance Support Systems Abstract The purpose of my paper is to discuss Performance Support Systems, the reason why some people fear them, concerns surrounding them, and why there is a growing trend for their use and their redefinement. Performance Support Systems Defined Electronic Performance Support Systems otherwise known as EPSS were born in the early 1990s by Gloria Gery, who was described as an educational software guru by Phillip Longman in his journal article, The Janitor Stole My Job. A distinguishing feature of EPSS is its ability to automate many job-related cognitive skills and to give immediate instructions to assist users in decision-making processes, which still require human judgment. These are computer-based systems which provide access to coaching, learning experiences, or tools to enable a user to facilitate tasks with a minimum of support from others (Benson, 1997, p.1). To put it bluntly, EPSS is a computer application that is task-specific, offering on-demand assistance to users (Stevens, 1996, p.1). In reviewing the various definitions of EPSS, I read that Performance Support Systems or PSS are frequently referred to as Electronic Performance Support Systems, as was indicated in my above definitions. However, according to Dr. Steve Harmon in his article, The Second S, the addition of the word electronic narrows the definition of Performance Support Systems to one specific area based solely on computers and the internet. While this technology is indeed integral to today’s performance support, I believe his point is that we should not forget that the word "system" is more representative of the topic than "electronic" (Harmon, 1999, p.1). Immediately, the controversy is apparent. Peopl... ...rform steps in the most natural way for them. References The following are articles taken off the web in Galileo. The reference list for each does not match the page numbers referenced in the paper. Benson, George. (1997). A new look at EPSS. Training & Development: Vol. 51 (pp. 48-49). Desmarais, Michel C; Leclair, Richard; Fiset, Jean-Yves; Talbi, Hichem. (1997). Cost-justifying electronic performance support systems. Communications of the ACM: Vol. 40 (pp. 39-48). Harmon, Steve. (1999). The Second "S"- Putting the system back in performance support. http://itech1.coe.uga.edu/itforum/paper36/paper36.html (pp. 1-5). Longman, Phillip J. (1997). The janitor stole my job. US News & World Report: Vol. 123 (pp. 50-52). Marquardt, Michael J. (1996). Cyberlearning: New possibilities for HRD. Training & Development: Vol. 50 (pp. 56-57).

The Development of Populism in Argentina and Peru during the 20th Century

The paper will study populism as political movement widely used in the countries of Latin America throughout the twentieth century. The methods applied and the progress of populism will be investigated on the basis of political history of two countries: Argentina and Peru. In order to fulfil thorough examination, the paper will narrate the main narrate the main aspects of populism and then compare and contrast its Argentinean and Peruvian versions. Finally, all the findings of the paper will be summarized and analyzed in the conclusion.The term â€Å"populism† was used to describe the politicians who claimed that they represent the interests of â€Å"common people† as different from those of the powerful or rich.[1] Populist movements were not class-based. Though ideologically they were incoherent, they tried to be inclusive. The leaders were mainly charismatic and personalistic. The style of the leadership was demonstratively nationalistic, which meant that it was base d either on native traditions or pseudo traditions of the country.As a rule, populists evinced their deep concern for social justice, reform, betterment of the working class, and removing marginalization by integration of impoverished people into society. The class conflict was portrayed as alien. The core of populists’ promises was making necessary changes without altering the basic nature of society. Populist parties claimed that they knew all the answers for national problems and those who opposed them were not true patriots of their nation. Populists usually sought alliance with unions and tended to build a centralized state where power was concentrated in the hands of the president.According to Joel Horowitz, populism dominated in political history of Argentina.[2] Due to populism modern Argentina has unbridgeable schisms in its today's society, rhetoric and style of its politics. While the process of development, involved major sectors of society and attracted the suppo rt of masses of Argentineans. Populists called themselves the savours of the nation and the opponents of populism were defined as enemies of the people. In this way, â€Å"politics revolved around movements that won strong allegiances but excluded their enemies.†[3] It caused a range of military takeovers, with the subsequent massive violence, where both military and civilians were involved.The early stages of modern political system of Argentina and the first attempts to implement populist policy can be traced from 1980, when the Radical Party made and attempt to overthrow the government. Though this attempt failed, the radicals (Unià ³n Cà ­vica Radical) demonstrated their opposition to the existing political system and called for fair elections. It constituted a serious threat of revolution in Argentina because the party was supported by the middle class of society.   However, many of the leaders of the radicals were from elite. The Radical leaders appealed directly to the working class of Argentina.Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen ( 1852-1933), a son of a woman from the elite and a Basque blacksmith, became the first prominent politician who started his career as a leader of the radicals and obtained popularity by using the methods of populism. He created the mechanism of a modern political party and easily outmaneuvered his rivals. He made himself a symbol of the radical party, represented its hopes and developed his leadership into a whole cult of his personality.However, Yrigoyen did not use the methods that characterize a conduct of a modern populist. He infrequently gave speech and rarely appeared in public. Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen wrote very little ‘for popular consumption’ and his written works were difficult to understand. Yrigoyen’s utterances contained insufficient political philosophy. Also, after becoming a president, Yrigoyen did not show a particular interest in any political program, instead, he seemed to be interested in pow er itself and its expansion. In addition, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen did not campaign using oratory of most populists or the flamboyant gestures. The strong points of his authorship were based on creating jobs and dispensing patronage.Even from its early stages of development populism in Argentina relied on police and police chefs in particular. Under the presidency of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, Buenos Aires chiefs of police functioned as key operatives and settled labor conflicts. The importance of police can be brightly illustrated using the example of Elpidio Gonzà ¡lez’s career path. Gonzà ¡lez attempted to achieve the position of vice president, and minister of interior by gradually moving from minister of war, to the level of candidate for governor of Cà ³rdoba, one of the most importance provinces, and then to police chief in Buenos Aires. Thus, under the policy of populism, â€Å"A good police chief was a man for all seasons.†[4]The early populist Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen appealed to new groups of society and promised changes without altering social underlying nature. Yrigoyen was a marginal member of oligarchy and rural elite. As a result, while speaking on class conflict, he continuously attacked the ill-defined rural-based elite and the oligarchy, which attracted support middle and working classes of the country. Also, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen popularity among common people was strengthened when he started to treat people with low income as the true members of society. Later, in the 1940s, this approach was used by another charismatic populist leader- Juan Perà ³n.Some populist gestures of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen were too obvious. Thus, in 1917 when workers went on strike at a meatpacking plant, he refused to give an interview to the leaders of the cattlemen's association Sociedad Rural, which was considered to be most important social and economic group in Argentina. Such an attitude was noticed by the newspapers, and soon one of the chief national new spapers publicized an article were it emphasized that the leaders of the cattlemen's association were received not with the same attention as the striking workers of the plant.[5]While his presidential campaign, Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen turned to the native-born working class which was rapidly growing at that time. Yrigoyen understood that the working class of Argentina could be a huge potential source of voters. This became possible due to influential ideology of Syndicalism. In 1910 Syndicalism turned into a vigorous labor movement that disdained bourgeois and proclaimed revolution through a general strike. Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen was willing to ally with Syndicalists because they did not have other political ties and would block the growth of Yrigoyen’s serious rival – the Socialist party.The government of Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen did not interfere with the activity of Argentinean Syndicalism and, moreover, made steps to satisfy demands of strikers, for example, to improve the ir conditions, to employers to accept the role the unions in hiring workers. Of course, later the role of Yrigoyen in settling early strikes was stressed by his publicity during the 1927-28 presidential campaign.In 1930 the most celebrated wave of populism flooded Argentina. Argentinean government that ruled from the period of 1932-1943 mainly belonged to neoconservatives, who included the members of traditional landed elite and tried to keep up a pretense of democracy. The exigencies of the Great Depression forced the implementation of the policy of import substitution industrialization that prompted rapid expansion of Argentinean urban working class. From 1932 to 1943 quick urbanization and industrialization in Argentina alienated the expanded already working class from the rest of society, and this process prepared the ground for the social crisis. The military takeover changed the situation radically by giving the power to the military group and their leader Col. Juan Domingo Pe rà ³n ( 1891-1974).Col. Juan Domingo Perà ³n became the next major populist leader in Argentina. According to the article Populism and Its Legacies in Argentina authored by Joel Horowitz, Peron can be described as â€Å"a tall, commanding figure and a powerful speaker, had the ability to charm people and win them to his side. He was one of those rare politicians imbued with genuine charisma.†[6] He, like his predecessor Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, also turned to working class, though strengthened his power with the help of the army. In late 1943 Perà ³n was appointed to occupy the position of vice president and minister of war. In October Perà ³n already became head of the National Department of Labor, which served as a platform the implementation of his approaches to labor, setting contacts with unions and winning over the hearts and minds the working class of Argentina.The policy of Col. Juan Domingo Perà ³n had two directions: first, Perà ³n favored and assisted many units to accomplish the major part of their long-sought goals; second, he started repression against uncooperative organizations. As a result of a pro-labor direction, the government enforced labor laws, such important ones as making contracts with workers, for the first time in the history of Argentina. It balanced the powers of capital and labor in the country, increased wages and improved the organization of unions.On the other hand, Peron fought his rivals by using repression, which made his regime completely authoritarian. The leaders of Socialists and Communists had to live under the constant threat of being arrested. In order to survive, other political forces, for example, the Communist Party, had to go underground. The rivalry with Communist unions was supported by the government, which also prohibited cooperation with them. As a result, such important unions as textiles, meatpacking, and the metal trades were destroyed.Peron personally appealed to unions. His charisma always he lped his to achieve a desired effect. Peron stressed the importance of the unions while speaking to them: â€Å"I come to the house of the railroaders as if it were my own. I profess a profound gratitude to them, because I am convinced that many of the successes of the Secretariat . . . are due precisely to the railroad workers.†[7] In his speech, Peron presented himself as one of the workers, as their equal, and frequently emphasized how he cared about them. This approach was successful, since workers had been socially and politically isolated by the previous regime.Still, according to Horowitz, Peron ca not be viewed as a dictator. He was truly a populist, and the methods of repression can be explained by his desire to expand his bases of support.[8] An important reason of why Peron achieved enormous popularity in his country, as Horowitz states, was the fast economic growth. It was estimated that during the first years of Peron’s presidency, hourly wages grew 25 per cent more, and in 1947 increased almost at the same rate. The percentage of national income that was going to workers also went up 25 percent. However, some sectors, for example, agriculture, did not benefit from the populism of Peron. Agriculture was squeezed for the sake of the urban sectors, the economy of which showed the highest rates of growth in 1946 and 1947. Nevertheless, in 1948 the economy of Argentina started to deteriorate.Peron’s populism improved political and social status of women in the country. In 1947 women of Argentina received the right to vote due to the activity of Peron’s wife – Evita. Evita initiated the campaign for women's suffrage. She also created a separate Peronist woman's party in Argentina, the leader of which she soon became. Women’s branches stretched across and soon captured the whole country. This was one more factor that encouraged popularization of Peron in Argentina, for â€Å"When Perà ³n ran for reelection in 1 951, he received a much higher percentage of votes from women than from men.†[9]Among other things, populism in Argentina was established on media. Peron managed to set a cultural hegemony that revised Argentina's vision of itself. Bearing in mind political influence of media, cultural hegemony was highly important although very difficult, since the movement of populism did not have any consistent ideology. Rituals were reformed and gained a â€Å"Peronized† meaning, for example, the celebration of May Day became an important national holiday to emphasize the benefits of hard labor and the role of the working class. Generally, all the holidays were invented to provide the idea of harmony and prosperity that existed under Perà ³n. School curricula focused on Catholic values. Many provinces and cities in Argentina were named after Perà ³n. Monuments to the charismatic leader were erected all over the country.Like in Argentina in 1930, the need to install a new regime in Peru was evoked by the situation brightly characterized by Steve Stein in The Paths to populism in Peru: â€Å"The old regime could no longer respond to the powerful social and economic changes brought on by urbanization after World War I. This was especially true in and around the capital of Lima. The old political elite was morally and politically bankrupt.†[10] But unlike the movement in Argentina, populism of the thirties in Peru consisted of two competing with each other populist movements: the party of Luis M. Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Và ­ctor Raà ºl Haya de la Torre who was the leader of the APRA party.The period of the thirties was marked in Peru with significant growth of the working classes political activity. This situation differs from that of Argentina. Though the working class of Argentina also increased in number in the same period, it suffered greatly from political and social isolation. The working classes of Peru were more active: â€Å"working-class mobs st aged demonstrations and rioting that destroyed his residence and those of some prominent supporters. During subsequent months the working classes dominated the urban political scene.†[11] Also, unlike the experience of populism in Argentina, Peru’s first notable steps in this policy and the first prominent populist leaders appeared only in 1930, which was much later than in Argentina.Like the political situation of Argentina in 1930, populism of Peru came to power due to political crisis. However, the crisis of Peru was much deeper, that even the further existence of the nation was doubted. One of Peruvian generals described the climate of despair and fear that intensified with the fall of Repà ºblica Aristocrà ¡tica: â€Å"Although it is painful for us to confirm it, unfortunately it appears as if a streak of ignorance, of madness, has invaded us, wresting from us our most innermost feelings of nationality.†[12] Conservative politician Và ­ctor Andrà ©s Bela à ºnde deplored that â€Å"the very bases of civilized life threaten to disappear.†[13] All these words referred to crisis, collapse and the following political vacuum, which occurred due to the fall of the elite-controlled political system of Repà ºblica Aristocrà ¡tica that had been in power since 1895.The two populist movements Sà ¡nchezcerrismo and Aprismo (APRA) were headed by Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre and came to Peruvian government through elections in 1931, which was a more civilized way in comparison with that of Peron’s. Mainly, the movements did not differ from each other. They both were vertical, patrimonial, with the relationships which were built on loyalty between leaders and their followers. The members of the parties were accepted from all the levels of society, which also contrasts with an anti-bourgeoisie, anti-elite and anti-oligarchic character of Argentinean populism.However, unlike that of Sà ¡nchezcerrismo, the vertical structur e of ARPA was based on strong ties between some social groups: the head of the party and unions, professional or employee associations. The leader of Sà ¡nchezcerrismo, Sà ¡nchez Cerro, on the other hand, tried to avoid any references to recognized social l or occupation categories, stressing on principle of one-to-one commitment to each member of the party.Sà ¡nchez Cerro, like Peron, also understood the importance of the working class and tried to take a pretense of friendship with common people. Luis M. Sà ¡nchez Cerro used his ethnic identity of a dark-skinned mestizo to show that he had common origins with masses. Since historically racism had a strong impact on political, social, and economic relations in Peru, Cerro’s image of the racial outsider became a powerful tool for gaining more support of the working-class. One of Cerro’s working-class followers once said: â€Å"He was of our race, and because of that all us working people supported him.†[14]T he image of the cholo candidate brought another advantage to Sà ¡nchez Cerro. The masses’ identification with the friend of common people became persuasive for the theme of his campaign: everyone could approach Cerro and personally ask to help or to do an individual favor. As a result, poor voters and supporters flooded Sà ¡nchez Cerro’s campaign headquarters. The availability of Sà ¡nchez created the notion that he was generous and willing to help everybody. Cerro patted his poor supplicants on the back, sometimes gave them money from the pocket or an article of clothing. Cerro spoke to his followers in simple language and used familiar forms ‘tu†, saying: Toma hijo, toma hija. Hijito, hijita, sà ­, ya vamos a ver † (Take this son, take that daughter. My little son, my little daughter, yes, we'll look into that).[15]At the same time, Haya de la Torre adopted the role of â€Å"the father of the workers.† When the campaign for the 1931 elect ion started, la Torre became known as the father of APRA. As a result, his children were growing in numbers, as Stain put it, â€Å"far beyond a small group of union leaders, and high stakes were to be won in the election.†[16] The image of father taken by la Torre matched his contagious smile, personal warmth, and generally pleasing disposition. During his person-to-person conversations Haya revolved around daily problems of his voters, and always showed his sympathetic understanding and his readiness to help with pertinent advice.Even the enemies of Haya de la Torre could not help but envy Haya’s skills of physical expression. Eudocio Ravines, leader of communists once remarked: â€Å"He possessed an ingenious and friendly loquacity that gave people the physical sensation of being loved, set apart individually from among the rest. He was acute at discovering and focusing on the immediate and small problems of the people and treating them with a captivating friendlin ess, verbally showing interest in them.†[17]In 1930-1931 real or imagined access to the populist leaders in Peru attracted poor people to them who sought protection of the politicians from adversary and crisis. The Great Depression became such a crisis that worsened the condition of the poor. On the background of the deepening impoverishment of the workers, populist leaders Sà ¡nchez Cerro and Haya de la Torre were seen as generous figures who could help and protect them. So, as historians concluded, â€Å"far from radicalizing the Peruvian working classes, the depression drew them toward populist alternatives as the most faithful political embodiment of patrimonial social relations.†[18]After the military had cut short the populism of Haya de la Torre and Sà ¡nchez Cerro by suppressing their movements, the overtones of populism were present in later campaigns and political movements. The next eight years were governed by Odrà ­a, whose political style strongly resem bled that of Sà ¡nchez Cerro. Odria concentrated his attention on the rural poor that streamed into the capital in order to find jobs and charity. The president decided to develop a chain of ‘political charities’ to become popular among the impoverished people of the city. President’s wife Marà ­a Delgado de Odrà ­a frequently but very effectively paid visits to the slums, gifting poor with money and food, which soon was highly publicized. However, Marà ­a’s actions were disdained by the elite who claimed that they were just blatant imitations of Eva Perà ³n.Odria showed paternalistic approach in his policy when he ordered legalization and formation of squatter settlements of the growing lower-class population in Lima. Consequently, an impressive number of popular masses paid homage to president and his wife. The largest plazas of Lima became the places of pro-government demonstrations. In this case the respect the poor can be regarded as their paybac k the man who understood and treated benevolently their needs. This positively characterizes populism both in Argentina and Peru, because, in spite of the fact that the initial reasons of the politicians were quite pragmatic, the disadvantaged and the most impoverished of the country received warmth and saw the kindness which, probably, gave them hope for better life.The next populist in Peru Belaà ºnde evidenced his friendship with nation through the foundation of the National Front of Democratic Youth (FNJD). The supporters of Belaà ºnde, unlike the campaigns of the previous politicians who turned to lower circles of society, were among professionals students, and intellectuals. In addition, the hallmark of Belaà ºnde was dramatic symbolism, used in word and in action. Once, when the demonstration in his support was met by the police, ready to disperse the participants, he bravely tried to withstand the armed forces. Later it matched the symbolism of Belaà ºnde’s first message during the campaign in 1956: â€Å"Youth! That is the battle cry of the political campaign I have been invited to embark upon. . . . If I am needed in the moment of conflict, they will find me at their side, sharing their fervor and living their hopes with them.†[19]Nevertheless, when Belaà ºnde won the elections, his government showed reluctance to fulfill rhetoric and high-flown promises. For example, Belaà ºnde declared that all the lands would be affected by the new agrarian reform project. Instead, he exempted properties needed to make ‘industrial transformation of agricultural products.’ It resulted into the situation when all the valuable and significant land such as coastal sugar or cotton plantations was not available for the purposes of the redistribution program. Ultimately, the gap between words and actions disillusioned the masses and led to the failure of his populist policy. In 1969 Belaà ºnde was overthrown by military forces and the ne w Revolutionary government was installed in Peru.In general, paternalism and comforting of populist political leaders have always worked like societal narcotic in Argentina and Peru. Quite a paradoxical situation could be observed when the poor and desperate continue to vote for populist leaders whose democratic credentials are suspect. Later the populist policies of these leaders will hurt the very groups that vaulted them into office.   In Peru Alan Garcà ­a who wonderfully articulated his nationalist and anti-imperialist views caused the crisis of Peru’s economy. During Garcia’s five years of presidency from 1985-1990, Peru’s economy achieved the highest inflation levels of the history of the country. Due to the policy of Garcia, millions of Peruvians were impoverished; millions moved from poverty into extreme level of poverty. Thus, populism of Alan Garcà ­a promised Peru greatness but in reality ran the country into poverty, high inflation and even more misery.A key legacy of populism was in leadership style. The leader, irrespective whether he was in power or stayed abroad in exile, dominated his party. There could be internal struggles or conflicts within the party, but once they were settled by the leader, this became an unchangeable rule for the rest of the members. For example, in Peronist Party the role of caudillo was played by two men: Juan Perà ³n and Carlos Menem. Within the Radical Party, on the other hand, every leader retained his style and continued to dominate even when his popularity faded. Thus, the authority and strong positions were preserved by the following members of the Radical party: Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen, Marcelo T. de Alvear, Ricardo Balbà ­n and Raà ºl Alfonsà ­n. Even when the parties modernized their politics and adopted such attributes as conventions, the domination of their strong-willed leaders continued.The common tendency that populist leaders relied on support of army inevitably led to the exp ansion of the political role of the military in Peru to a higher rate than in Argentina. As it has been already shown in the paper, Peruvian armed forces were involved in most of political conflicts, which evidenced the removal of the army from its normal professional responsibilities. This tendency was not abandoned by neo populists, for instance, Fujimori used military support in his presidential coup to ensure success of it. In addition, Fujimori’s shadowy intelligence advisor implemented his considerable behind-the-scenes power while the presidential campaign. Thus, populism prompted the process of politicization of army. Dr. Kenneth Roberts in his work Populism and Democracy in Latin America pointed out that â€Å"A politicized military is necessarily a political actor that will be sought out by potential civilian allies and tempted to intervene on behalf of its own institutional or political interests.†[20]Thus, the main points of development of populism in Argen tina and Peru can be summed up, compared and contrasted in the following way:1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism was first used as a policy to gain support in Argentina.2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism has been bipartisan.3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Populism has existed in both democratic and undemocratic regimes. In the case of Argentina the ruling of Juan Peron in the mid of twentieth century was undemocratic, while Peru’s leader Alan Garcia in the 1980s attempted to carry out populist policy together with the democracy4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Commonly, populism was implemented by ambitious leaders to succeed in their political careers.5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both Argentina and Peru populism was successfully carried out by charismatic individuals who managed to appeal directly to the mass groups, for example, labor unions, the poor, and mobilize their political participation.6.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both the countries the leaders who started the policy of populism promised to defend the interests of the â€Å"common people† by giving them jobs. In return, the masses support the leaders with their votes and social mobilization. In other words, promises, rhetoric comfort and pompous words are the tools of populists for capturing trust and votes of the masses. As Josà © Marà ­a Velasco Ibarra, the Ecuadorian populist put it: â€Å"Give me a balcony and the people are mine.†[21] As a rule, lofty promises of populism rarely come true, hurting by this most of the people that it claimed to represent.7.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Political careers of individual leaders built on populism always progress at the expense of economic growth of the country. Political leaders while fulfilling their lofty promised services roughly intrude into economic processes by implementing for example, expansionary monetary or fiscal policies, to produce an â€Å"economic miracle† for a short period of time. Ultimately, artificially created fast progress and breaking basi c economic principles and laws lead to economic collapse. Thus, the ambitions of populists always rebuff the well known truth that â€Å"there is no free lunch.†8.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   On the other hand, it would be wrong to conclude that populist governments always failed to manage economics. In the 1990s Argentine president Carlos Menem’s attempted to create a free market â€Å"miracle† that totally eliminated the hyperinflation in the country’s for a short period of time. But Carlos Menem’s â€Å"miracle† was grounded on the unsustainable accumulation of public debt, which in 2001 sent Argentina’s economy into a new depression.9.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In both Argentina and Peru military forces were involved into political conflicts, but Peruvian populism caused politicization of army.10.   Peron in Argentina was the first to use media as one more force of propaganda of populist ideology.11.   Methods and political styles of leader ship varied in Argentina and Peru and improved with the progress of the movement. However, Argentinean Hipà ³lito Yrigoyen built the mechanism of populism at the beginning of the century. Also, some gestures and approaches used in one country were repeated or imitated in the other, for example, the charity of Evita and Marà ­a Delgado de Odrà ­a, ect.Bibliography:1.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Auguero, Felipe and Jeffrey Stark, eds. 1998. Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America (Miami:University of Miami North-South Center Press).2.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Bamrud J. Contesting the ‘Washington Consensus’. The Latin Business Chronicle. Worldpress.org. February 25, 2002   http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/379.cfm (26 Nov 2005)3.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Cardoso, Fernando Henrique and Enzo Faletto. 1979. Dependency and Development in Latin America (Berkeley:University of California Press.4.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Carol Wise, Reinventing the State: Economic Strategy and Institutional Change in Peru, forthcoming. Chap.6   NEOLIBERALISM AND STATE RECONSTRUCTION 2001 (26 Nov 2005)5.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Chalmers, Douglas A., Scott B. Martin, and Kerianne Piester. 1997. â€Å"Associative Networks: New Structures ofRepresentation for the Popular Sectors?†, in Douglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B.Martin, Kerianne Piester, and Monique Segarra, eds. The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America:Rethinking Participation and Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press).6.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Collier and Collier. 1991. Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the LaborMovement, and Regime Dynamicsin Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press).7.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999.,8.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Conniff, Michael L., ed. 1982. Latin American Populism in Comparative Perspective (Albuquerque, NM: Universityof New Mex ico Press).9.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Crandall R. Latin America's Populist Temptation. In the national interest. The National Interest, The Nixon Center. (26 Nov 2005)10.   De la Torre, Carlos. 2000. Populist Seduction in Latin America: The Ecuadorian Experience (Athens, OH: OhioUniversity Center for International Studies).11.   Dornbush, Rudiger and Sebastian Edwards, eds. 1991. The Macroeconomics of Populism in Latin America (Chicago:University of Chicago Press).12.   Drake, Paul. 1982. â€Å"Conclusion: Requiem for Populism?†, in Michael L. Conniff, ed. Latin American Populism inComparative Perspective (Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press).. 1991.13.   Drake, Paul. 1982. â€Å"Comment,† in Rudiger Dornbusch and Sebastian Edwards, eds. The Macroeconomics of Populism inLatin America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press).14.   Geddes, Barbara. 1994. Politician’s Dilemma: Building State Capacity in Latin America (Berkeley: University ofCaliforn ia Press).15.   Hagopian, Frances. 1998 â€Å"Democracy and Political Representation in Latin America in the 1990s: Pause,Reorganization, or Decline?†, in Felipe Aguero and Jeffrey Stark, eds. Fault Lines of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America (Miami: University of Miami North-South Center Press).16.   Hochstetler, Kathryn. 1997. â€Å"The Evolution of the Brazilian Environmental Movement and Its Political Roles,† inDouglas A. Chalmers, Carlos M. Vilas, Katherine Hite, Scott B. Martin, Kerianne Piester, and MoniqueSegarra, eds. The New Politics of Inequality in Latin America: Rethinking Participation and Representation(Oxford: Oxford University Press).17.   Kay, Bruce H. (1996). â€Å"`Fujipopulism’ and the Liberal State in Peru, 1990-1995,† Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, 4: 55-98.18.   Keck, Margaret E. and Kathryn Sikkink. 1998. Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in InternationalPolitics (Ithaca, NY: Corne ll University Pres).19.   Knight, Alan. 1998. â€Å"Populism and Neopopulism in Latin America, Especially Mexico.† Journal of Latin AmericanStudies 30, 2 (May): 223-248.20.   Levitsky, Steven. 1998. â€Å"Crisis, Party Adaptation and Regime Stability in Argentina: The Case of Peronism, 1989-1995.† Party Politics 4, 4: 445-470.21.   Lynch, Nicolà ¡s. 1999. â€Å"Neopopulismo, Un Concepto Vacà ­o.† Socialismo y Participacià ³n 86 (December): 63-80.22.   Mackinnon, Marà ­a Moira and Mario Alberto Petrone, eds. 1998. Populismo y Neopopulismo en Amà ©rica Latina: elProblema de la Cenicienta (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires).23.   Mair, Peter. 1997. Party System Change: Approaches and Interpretations (Oxford: Clarendon Press).24.  Ã‚  Ã‚   McGuire, James W. 1997. Peronism without Perà ³n: Unions, Parties, and Democracy in Argentina (Stanford, Cal.:Stanford University Press).25.   Roberts K. Populism and Democracy in Latin Amer ica,World Politics 48, 1 (October): 82-116. p.16[1] Bamrud J. Contesting the ‘Washington Consensus’. The Latin Business Chronicle. Worldpress.org. February 25, 2002 < http://www.worldpress.org/Americas/379.cfm (26 Nov 2005) [2] Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America: Joel Horowitz, Populism and Its Legacies in Argentina, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999., p. 22 [3] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 22 [4] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 25 [5] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 25 [6] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 29 [7] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 31 [8] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 34 [9] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p. 36 [10] Conniff Michael L., Populism in Latin America: Stein S. The Paths to Populism in Peru, University of Alabama Press. Tuscaloosa, AL.: 1999., p. 97 [11] Conniff    Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [12] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [13] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.98 [14] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.100 [15] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.100 [16] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.101 [17] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.102 [18] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.106 [19] Conniff   Michael L., Populism in Latin America, p.107 [20] Roberts K. Populism and Democracy in Latin America, p.16 [21] Crandall R. Latin America's Populist Temptation. In the national interest. The National Interest, The Nixon Center. (26 Nov 2005)

Simple Disparaître Verb Conjugations in French

Simple Disparaà ®tre Verb Conjugations in French French verb conjugations can be challenging, particularly when it comes to words like  disparaà ®tre. Meaning to disappear, this is an irregular verb and that makes memorizing its many conjugates difficult. Yet, a quick lesson and some dedicated practice will help you out tremendously. Conjugating the French Verb  Disparaà ®tre In English, we use -ing and -ed endings for verb conjugations. Its more complex in French because the ending changes not only from the past to the present or future tense  but also with the number of people or things were talking about. Disparaà ®tre  is an  irregular verb  and while it is not the most common conjugation pattern, nearly all  French verbs ending in  -aà ®tre  are conjugated in the same way. While you are learning and practicing these conjugations, you may want to tackle two or three similar words to make the entire group just a little easier. Using the table, study each of the  disparaà ®tre  conjugations. Simply pair the subject pronoun with the appropriate tense and youre on the way to forming a complete sentence. For instance, I am disappearing is je disparaà ®s and we will disappear is nous disparaà ®trons. Subject Present Future Imperfect je disparais disparaà ®trai disparaissais tu disparais disparaà ®tras disparaissais il disparaà ®t disparaà ®tra disparaissait nous disparaissons disparaà ®trons disparaissions vous disparaissez disparaà ®trez disparaissiez ils disparaissent disparaà ®tront disparaissaient The Present Participle of  Disparaà ®tre The   present participle  of disparaà ®tre  is  disparaissant. Not only is this a verb, it can also become an adjective, gerund, or noun when needed. The Past Participle and Passà © Composà © The  passà © composà ©Ã‚  is another popular way to express the past tense disappeared in French. To form it, begin by conjugating the  auxiliary verb  avoir  to fit the subject pronoun, then add the  past participle  disparu. For example, I disappeared is jai disparu  Ã‚  while we disappeared is nous avons disparu. More Simple  Disparaà ®tre  Conjugations to Learn Should you find that the action of disappearing is questionable or not guaranteed, the subjunctive verb mood can be used. In a similar fashion, the conditional verb mood implies that the action will only happen  if  something else occurs. The passà © simple is primarily found in formal French writing, so you may not use it yourself. The same can be said of the imperfect subjunctive, though it is good to be able to recognize these as forms of  disparaà ®tre. Subject Subjunctive Conditional Passà © Simple Imperfect Subjunctive je disparaisse disparaà ®trais disparus disparusse tu disparaisses disparaà ®trais disparus disparusses il disparaisse disparaà ®trait disparut disparà »t nous disparaissions disparaà ®trions disparà »mes disparussions vous disparaissiez disparaà ®triez disparà »tes disparussiez ils disparaissent disparaà ®traient disparurent disparussent In the imperative verb form,  disparaà ®tre  is used for short commands and requests. There is no need to include the subject pronoun here: simplify tu disparais to disparais. Imperative (tu) disparais (nous) disparaissons (vous) disparaissez

a long recovery essays

a long recovery essays When he accepted the Democratic Party's nomination for the presidency in 1932, Franklin Roosevelt pledged "a new deal for the American people" (Atack, 1994, p. 625). When he assumed office, the American system of democratic capitalism faced a crisis of monumental proportions. Economic distress and social unrest were widespread. In 1929, Hoover's first year as president, the prosperity of the 1920s capsized. Stock prices climbed to unprecedented heights, as investors speculated in the stock market. The bender, in which people bought and sold stocks for higher and higher prices, was fueled by easy credit, which allowed purchasers to buy stock "on margin." If the price of the stock increased, the purchaser made money; if the price fell, the purchaser had to find the money elsewhere to pay off the loan. More and more investors poured money into stocks. Uncontrolled buying and selling fed an upward spiral that ended on October 24, 1929, when the stock market collapsed. The great crash shattered the economy. Fortunes vanished in days. Consumers stopped buying, businesses retrenched, banks cut off credit, and a downward twist commenced. The Great Depression lasted through the 1930s. Since the crash of '29, the value of common stocks had declined from $89 billion to $15 billion. Between 1929 and 1932 GNP dropped in constant 1928 dollars from billions $197.1 to $143. Real output fell 29 percent. Total gross investment fell from 15 percent of GNP to one percent. Consumption dropped by more than one third. Unemployment increased from 3.2 percent in 1929 to 21?25 percent in 1933(Picture 4). About 13 million Americans were officially out of work. Farm prices and farm income had appreciably fallen. On the eve of the March 1933 inauguration, the nation's banking system collapsed as millions of panicky depositors tried to withdraw savings that the banks had tied up in long-term loans. On that evening, Roosevelt declaring in his inaugu...

General Administrative Theories are they relevant to managing Modern Essay

General Administrative Theories are they relevant to managing Modern Global Organisations - Essay Example This essay stresses that Human Resource Management or HRM is one of the key methods by which managers keep hold of the actions of the people beneath them. This is also a way by which managers are able to control, at least in part, the behavior of the people to remain parallel to the interests of the firm. Nowadays, business managers are beginning to recognise the need to consider the weight and importance of human resource (HR) function in determining the growth or downfall of any venture. This paper makes a conclusion that modern global organisations need to leverage on all facets of financials, customer, best business practice and human resources, if it shall be sustainable for the long haul. More importantly, it should be able to dedicate attention to its most important resource: its people. This paper has presented the ways in which administrative theories may be expanded to encompass not only the end goals of productivity and profit, but also of people development. It points out that the human resource function may also be used as a control measure, focusing on all facets of attracting the right talent through careful staffing and training practices, setting apt performance goals, and similar people development initiatives. If people are adequately developed, they shall be able to contribute more to the enterprise and carry out initiatives that are directly aligned to corporate strategies. This will ultimately spell success for the global enterprise.

Persuade Your Employer That You Deserve a Raise Essay

Persuade Your Employer That You Deserve a Raise - Essay Example I was indeed workaholic. Working for late hours even after the fixed office hours was a trend which was rarely seen in American companies. Admittedly, it was the sincerity and passion I had toward my work that kept me boosted always. The task of recruiting hardware engineers for the iPhone and iPad projects were the most challenging and voluminous task in the whole span of my professional life. In many of the days, I was the only one who remained after the office hours and managed the extensive documentation works of the human resource department. I travelled through technology institutes to find young, vibrant and innovative engineers, of design, hardware and software for the successful accomplishment of the projects. It is clear that my diplomacy was beneficial for the company to persuade engineers and designers from other IT giants like Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo etc to work with Apple. And my expertise in computer programming was a surplus advantage for the company, for I got t he duty of supervising the iOS for iPhone and iPad. It must be noted that it was when many officers in the C level disagreed to supervise the immense task of supervising the development of iOS that I had to take up the responsibility. All this makes me upright to stately say that I played a substantial part in the successful completion of the iPhone project in 2007 as the HR manager as well as a software developer. I believe I have been loyal to my superiors in the company right from the day I joined Apple; and I have always been friendly with my colleagues too. I was always appreciated by my superiors in the HR department and my contributions and suggestions to the research and development wing was always well-considered. Our CEO Mr. Steve Jobs was always ready to listen to our opinions and suggestions. It is a unique feature in Apple that even though I am an employee in the HR department, my expertise in computer programming was also considered and exposure was given to me in the software development section. Such an easy and liberal working environment makes Apple a professional’s dream. The only thing that disappointed me in Apple is that there has been no change in my position and no additions to my salary apart from the usual annual increments. I have completed 10 years in Apple by now, and I am one of the well-qualified employees in the human resources wing. I graduated in business administration specializing in HR as well as computer science from the prestigious Harvard University. I was a topper in the university and that’s the reason for which Apple recruited me directly from the campus. It was my efforts that provided Apple a handsome amount of savings by taking up market analysis within the company instead of outsourcing it to external analyzers. This step was found exorbitantly helpful in maintaining a good position in the stock markets constantly throughout the financial years. Though I have such long stories of success to speak abo ut from the course of my work at Apple, I feel I never received a raise that I deserved while comparing with my track record at Apple. And I had to see many who were less academically qualified than I moving to higher positions in the firm. Apple had been always known as an employer who carefully listens to the concerns of its employees. Today Apple is the leading brand